четверг, 15 марта 2012 г.
Crabb's bottom line
Chavez: US wanted drug suspect to smear Venezuela
CARACAS, Venezuela (AP) — President Hugo Chavez said Sunday that U.S. officials hoped to use an alleged cocaine kingpin to smear his government with corruption accusations and thanked Colombia's leader for rejecting Washington's extradition request.
Chavez said the decision of Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos to send Walid Makled to Venezuela instead showed improving ties between neighbors who have often feuded recently.
"Washington wants to use him so he vomits all kinds of accusations against the Bolivarian Revolution, against its political and military leadership," Chavez wrote in a newspaper column, referring to the political movement he named after 19th-century …
China tech purchasing rule angers foreign firms
Foreign companies are criticizing a new Chinese regulation they fear could block them from the multibillion dollar business of selling high-tech products to government departments.
The rule, in place for about six weeks but not widely known, requires sellers of high-tech products to have them accredited based on "indigenous innovation" _ local intellectual property _ before they can be listed in a government procurement catalog. Approved products will get preference over those without accreditation.
More than 30 business groups from the United States, Europe, Japan and South Korea lodged a protest in a joint letter dated Thursday and released …
среда, 14 марта 2012 г.
QB Lavery isn't sure about playing football
With rumors swirling that he might leave the Illinois footballteam to concentrate on baseball, quarterback Tim Lavery said Mondayhe's committed to playing both sports, but added that reality mightdictate a different decision.
"I'm not sure right now," the left-hander from NapervilleCentral said. "I know it's going to be tough to continue to play twosports. I'm going to think about it some more over Christmas break.
"As of right now, I still want to play both sports. If Idefinitely was going to quit (football), I probably would have quitabout two weeks ago because those (weight-room) workouts are anythingbut fun."Coach Ron Turner said he's encouraged that Lavery, …
City saves $61,000/year in electricty costs by using biogas
Portland, Oregon
Portland's Bureau of Environmental Services (BES) has installed four microturbines at its Columbia Boulevard Wastewater Treatment Plant to turn biogas into energy. Previously, the methane generated by the treatment process had been flared off. Four years ago, BES installed a 200 kW fuel cell that extracts hydrogen from the gas; now the …
Five Africans die trying to reach Spain's Canary Islands
The bodies of five Africans have been found in a small boat packed with migrants trying to reach Spain's Canary Islands, officials said Friday _ the third such tragedy in a week.
The boat, spotted trying to reach a southern beach on the small island of La Gomera off the northwest coast of Africa, was escorted by the coast guard into port where the bodies of the five men _ all from sub-Saharan Africa _ were discovered among its 59 occupants.
Three other seriously ill men have been taken to the hospital and another eight were treated by medical teams, an Interior Ministry spokeswoman said on condition of anonymity in keeping with ministry …
Plastic recycling looks promising -: Officials point to public enthusiasm in pilot project
Beads of sweat dribbled down David Straughter's face as he sortedaluminum cans, newspapers and milk jugs from a recycling bin onSomerset Drive.
"A lot of people brought it out. Some people are putting trash inwith the recyclables, and we have to sort it out," Straughter said."It will probably take some time for them to catch on."
Behind and before him, empty and yet-to-be-emptied bins on bothsides of the street indicated enthusiastic public participation inanexpanded curbside recycling program that now includes plastics.Five trucks working Monday collected enough plastic to make a 500-pound bail at the Weyerhaeuser recycling plant on Hansford Street."That's quite a …
CURIOUS WORLD
AGGRESSIVE PANHANDLING HAS GOTTEN OUT OF HAND
Russian police are reporting a steep increase in what they call "Gypsy Hypnosis," in which victims are robbed of great sums of money by total strangers who seem to be able to put them into a hypnotic trance. Detectives in Moscow process between 300 and 400 cases a year in which victims claim that a chance encounter with a stranger ends with them being swindled out of thousands of dollars. They claim that the stranger's intense stares, mesmerizing babble and warnings of curses on their loved ones somehow force them to hand over any amount of money. "These are people who have honed their skills to perfection; they have been pulling these …
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Medical authorities in Congo say nine people are dead from what could be hemorrhagic fever.
District Medical Inspector Edmond Mulamba says it is too early to label the illness. It is also too early to say if the deaths are due to ebola, a type of hemorrhagic fever.
He says tests were being run to determine the cause of the deaths in remote Kasai Province. At least 14 other …
Red Sox lose to Niekro but offer praise
After Phil Niekro defeated Boston 5-2 yesterday in Cleveland,Red Sox slugger Don Baylor said the 47-year-old knuckleballer is theperfect role model for his profession.
"He didn't have his real good knuckleball and he didn't have hisreal good control, but still he won," Baylor said after Niekrolimited Boston to five hits over the first seven innings for his310th victory, 13th on the all-time list.
"I played with him and know what a competitor he is. I wish allyoung pitchers would have the chance to be on a club with him, to seehow dedicated he is and how he goes about his job."
Joe Carter and Julio Franco hit two-run home runs for Cleveland,both off Red …
Bush to Urge U.N. to Spread Freedom
UNITED NATIONS - President Bush wants the U.N. to uphold its pledge to fight for freedom in lands of poverty and terror and plans to punctuate his challenge by promising new sanctions against the military regime in Myanmar.
Bush was expected to mention Iran in his speech Tuesday to the General Assembly - but only briefly, citing Iran in a list of countries where people lack freedoms and live in fear. The White House wants to avoid giving any more attention to Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, whose splash of speeches and interviews has dominated the days leading to the U.N. meeting.
Instead of Iran, the Southeast Asian nation of Myanmar, also known as Burma, was …
Veterans press for info on 1960s chemical tests
Jack Alderson was ordered never to talk about the secret weapons tests he helped conduct in the Pacific during the 1960s. He kept quiet for decades.
Sparse attendance at a 1993 reunion prompted Alderson, a retired Navy Reserve lieutenant commander, to speak out. He learned that more than half of the 500 or so crew members who took part in the tests were either dead or suffering from cancer, respiratory problems or other ailments. Alderson wondered whether his own skin cancers, allergies and chronic fatigue were linked to those tests or were simply the result of aging.
"I was told by my bosses and the docs and so forth that if you follow these routines ... …
Stocks Pare Losses After Fed Cut
Wall Street struggled to steady itself Tuesday, climbing back from an early plunge after the Federal Reserve implemented an emergency interest rate cut in hopes of restoring stability to a faltering U.S. economy. The Dow Jones industrials, down 465 points at the start of the session, recovered to a loss of more than 100 points.
The U.S. markets joined a global selloff amid growing fears that a recession in the United States could send economies around the world into a downturn. Though stocks regained ground as investors digested the Fed's move to cut its benchmark federal funds rate by 0.75 percentage point and as bargain-hunters entered the market, trading remained volatile and the major indexes fluctuated sharply, at times approaching the break-even point before heading down again.
The Fed's move was unusual, coming between regularly scheduled meetings and just a week before the next gathering of the central bank's policy-making Open Markets Committee. It was also larger than the half-percentage point that was widely anticipated to be announced at the end of that two-day meeting, and the largest cut in the fed funds rate on records going back to 1990.
But it created little, if any, optimism on Wall Street, in part because some analysts were predicting at the end of last week, when the Dow suffered back-to-back triple digit drops, that the Fed might act sooner rather than later. And stocks have been falling steeply for months because of the ongoing housing, mortgage and credit crisis and its impact on the overall economy; many investors believe much more is needed to right the markets and the economy.
The rate cut helped stanch the stock drop because "the equity markets are so used to the kneejerk reaction that if it's cheaper for companies to borrow, earnings will go up," said Daniel Alpert, managing director of Westwood Capital LLC. "But throwing more cheap money into the equation doesn't help the fact that we have a credit crisis on our hands."
For the market to truly gain a foothold, investors need to see strong economic data in the coming weeks and solid earnings reports and forecasts this week from big multinational companies like Microsoft Corp., AT&T Inc., Caterpillar Inc. and Honeywell International Inc. The market also needs to hear that financial institutions like Citigroup Inc. and Merrill Lynch & Co., which have lost billions due to investments in failed mortgages, are on their way to solid earnings as well.
"If that doesn't happen, then all this is a short-term bottom before a resumption of selling," said Peter Boockvar, equity strategist at Miller Tabak.
U.S. bonds were mixed, with investors seeking safer investments as stocks declined. The price of oil, meanwhile, fell amid expectations that a downturn would depress demand for energy.
The Fed lowered the target federal funds rate, or the interest banks charge one another for overnight loans, to 3.50 percent and the discount rate, the interest the Fed charges banks directly, to 4 percent..
It can take months for an interest rate cut to work its way through the economy. In the short term, it makes borrowing cheaper, but the billions of dollars in failed mortgages over the past year have made lenders wary of writing loans to almost anyone _ consumers or corporations. And if consumers and companies aren't spending more, an economic recovery can be slow.
In the last hour of trading, the Dow was down 115.84, or 0.96 percent, at 11,993.46. The Dow was last below 12,000 in March 2007.
The broader Standard & Poor's 500 index was off 14.42, or 1.09 percent, at 1,310.77, while the Nasdaq composite index fell 42.08, or 2.30 percent, to 2,297.94.
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On the Net:
New York Stock Exchange: http://www.nyse.com
Nasdaq Stock Market: http://www.nasdaq.com
вторник, 13 марта 2012 г.
A qualitative study of community kitchens as a response to income-related food insecurity
Abstract/Resume
A variety of self-help and community development strategies have recently emerged to address problems of hunger and food insecurity at a local level. One such strategy is community kitchens. Loosely defined as community-based cooking programs, "kitchens" are groups of people who regularly come together to prepare food for themselves and their families. This study employed grounded theory methods to examine the potential of community kitchens to enhance food security among those with constrained resources. Insights gained from participant observations of ten kitchens in progress were augmented by in-depth interviewing of a sample of participants and facilitators. Study findings suggest that, in some cases, community kitchen participation may enhance coping skills and provide valuable social support. However, the programs have limited potential to resolve food security issues rooted in severe and chronic poverty because they do not alter households' economic circumstances in any substantial way. (Can J Diet Prac Res 1999; 60:11-16)
Toute une serie de strategies d'entraide et de developpement communautaire ont ete recemment proposees pour lutter contre la faim et l'insecurite alimentaire au niveau local. La mise sur pied de cuisines communautaires est l'une d'entre elles. Definies assez librement comme etant des programmes de preparation collective de repas, les -cuisineso sont des groupes de personnes qui se reunissent regulierement pour preparer des aliments pour elles et leur famille. Nous avons utilise des methodes theoriques eprouvees pour examiner le role des cuisines communautaires dans l'amelioration de la securite alimentaire chez des personnes aux ressources limitees. Les donnees recueillies a la suite de l'observation des participants de dix cuisines en action ont ete augmentees par des entrevues aupres d'un echantillon de participants et d'animateurs. Les resultats permettent de croire que, dans certains cas, la participation a des cuisines communautaires peut accroitre les habiletes d'adaptation et fournir un soutien social precieux. Cependant, les programmes ont un potentiel limite pour resoudre les problemes de securite alimentaire lies a la pauvrete grave et chronique, parce qu'ils ne modifient pas les conditions economiques des menages de fa,on appreciable. (Rev can prat dietet 1999; 60:11-16)
INTRODUCTION
Throughout the 1980s and '90s, hunger has emerged as a significant social problem and a serious public health concern in Canada. The principal indication of hunger has been the steadily increasing demand for charitable food assistance which is occurring on a scale not witnessed since the Great Depression (1). This demand has been linked to persistently high levels of poverty, unemployment and underemployment, and to the erosion of publicly-funded social programs for the poor and unemployed (1-4). Although initially viewed as temporary, emergency relief operations, food banks now appear to be accepted as a "necessary community resource" (5). Yet questions abound about the capacity of a charitable model of emergency food relief to resolve chronic food problems rooted in poverty. Specifically, there are concerns about the poor quality and limited quantity of food donated for distribution through this system, the demeaning nature of food charity, and the way in which food banks have served to depoliticize hunger, detracting attention from the underlying social, political, and economic issues (2,4,6-8).
A variety of self-help and community development initiatives have recently emerged, as health professionals and community workers have sought to identify more effective community-based strategies to address hunger (9). One such strategy that has recently and rapidly grown in popularity is community kitchens. They have been described as part of a "grassroots self-help movement," and are seen as a means to empower those vulnerable to hunger and food insecurity through the provision of skills, resources, and support (10). However, they have been the subject of limited research to date.
METHODS
To examine the potential for community kitchens to affect income-related food insecurity, a qualitative research study was undertaken. The term "income-related food insecurity" is used to denote inadequate or insecure access to sufficient, nutritious, personally-acceptable food arising in the context of scarce resources(1). The purpose of this qualitative examination of community kitchens was not to evaluate the effectiveness of individual programs but rather to identify generic issues that might inform future thinking about community kitchens as a response to income-related food insecurity. The study was initiated in 1995, after obtaining ethical approval from the University of Toronto Office of Research Services. The study focused on kitchens initiated by public health departments, community service agencies, and food action projects as community-based interventions with the explicit goal of enhancing food security among low-income households. A combination of participant observations and indepth interviews with kitchen participants and facilitators was used to explore the issue from multiple perspectives. Contemporary grounded theory methods guided the research process (11,12). As is typical with this approach to qualitative research, data gathering and analysis occurred concurrently, so that emerging insights from the early observations and interviews guided the selection of kitchens for subsequent observations and helped to refine the scope of questions explored with interview participants.
An open-ended, descriptive, exploratory research approach was necessary, given the paucity of literature on community kitchens in Canada and the diverse nature of programs being conducted under this label. Indeed, the first task in this research project was simply to describe what community kitchens are. The next task was to develop an analysis of community kitchens in relation to income-related food insecurity, which was grounded in empirical data. With the assistance of 23 local public health and food security networks in Toronto and neighbouring regions, ten community kitchens were identified for inclusion in this study. In each kitchen, participant observations were conducted in one cooking session, and in some cases, also in a corresponding pre-planning session. To encourage free and easy interaction with program participants, the observer did not make notes while in the kitchens, but recorded detailed observational notes immediately after each visit.
Focused, in-depth interviews were conducted with 14 participants and six facilitators selected from six of the kitchens observed. These six kitchens were appropriate for the interview sample because they encompassed the range of operations observed. Within selected kitchens, only participants who had low incomes and some history of participation were recruited into the interview sample. To ensure continuity between the observational data and the interviews, the same person who had been responsible for participant observations in the kitchen conducted the interviews.
The 14 participants interviewed ranged in age from 17 to 53 years. The duration of their involvement in community kitchens ranged from four months to five years. All but one were women, and all had at least one child living with them. Eight households relied on social assistance and six received employment income, although in two of these households, wages were supplemented by social assistance.
Each interview was taperecorded with the interviewee's knowledge and consent. Interviews with kitchen participants explored their experiences of and reasons for participating in a community kitchen and the importance of specific aspects of the kitchen in relation to their household food needs and concerns. The interviews with kitchen facilitators and coordinators focused on descriptions of program organization (including goals, methods by which kitchen participants are recruited, and financial operations of the kitchens) and the interviewees' perceptions of the kitchens' strengths and limitations. The interviews generally followed an interview guide, but the exact wording and order of questions varied between interviews, depending on the direction individuals' responses took. In addition, all interview participants were invited to discuss other issues they felt were pertinent to our understanding of community kitchens.
From a review of observational notes, kitchen profiles were developed, comprising a description of key program elements, key differences and similarities. The interview tapes were transcribed verbatim, and the transcripts were reviewed in their entirety to identify central content-related categories and conceptual themes. Because of their different vantage points, participants' and facilitators' interviews were treated separately through this initial phase of analysis.
The transcripts for each group were coded according to the categories and themes, and sorted by codes, with the aid of a computer program (The Ethnograph, v 4.0, 1995, Qualis Research Associates, Amherst, MA). The sorting facilitated the comparing and contrasting of different individuals' remarks on particular issues, which in turn yielded insight into factors influencing participants' experiences of the kitchens.
The final stage of the analysis was a systematic integration of the interview material and kitchen profiles, to identify key features of the kitchens in relation to participants' experiences of these programs. From this analysis, the role of community kitchens in enhancing the food security of low-income households was elucidated. A written summary of the research was then discussed with four people who work with community kitchens in this region. Their feedback helped to refine the analysis further and to pinpoint issues of particular relevance to community workers.
RESULTS
This section examines the potential for community kitchen participation to affect household food insecurity, paying particular attention to the economic and social issues that appeared to shape participants' experiences of these programs. Where brief excerpts from the interview transcripts are presented to illustrate key points, pseudonyms are used to ensure participants' anonymity.
What is a community kitchen? - Community kitchens can be loosely defined as community-based cooking programs in which small groups of people (called "kitchens") meet regularly to prepare one or more meals together. Within this general framework, there is wide variation in models of operation. The kitchens observed differed in the relative emphasis they placed on quantity food preparation, cooking instruction, and communal dining - factors that shaped the opportunities for social interaction within the kitchens and structured their potential to affect participants' food security. At the core of these differences lie three distinct models of participatory programming around food: collective kitchens, communal meal programs, and cooking classes.
Collective Kitchens - Most of the kitchens observed functioned as collective kitchens, characterized by the pooling of resources and labour to produce large quantities of food. Small groups usually meet twice a month, once to plan the menu and develop the shopping list, and then a second time to prepare four to five main-dish meals that are divided up and taken home for later consumption. The quantity of food prepared is determined not by the number of participants but by the sizes of their households. For example, a group of four participants might cook five different dishes for 15 to 20 people. The volume of cooking means that collective kitchens tend to be small; those observed had no more than four participants. As a food security strategy these kitchens are designed to help participants meet their families' food needs through the collectivization of food preparation and the economy of scale associated with largevolume food purchasing and preparation. Additionally, participants may acquire shopping and cooking skills that enhance their ability to manage independently, but this is not the primary focus of the kitchens.
Cooking Classes - In some community kitchens, groups gathered to watch individual members demonstrate the preparation of one or two dishes. Participation in these cooking sessions was limited to minor supportive roles (e.g., opening a can, chopping some onions) or structured experiences (e.g., filling an eggroll). The group members sampled the featured dishes and usually took home a small amount of food. However, the goal of food preparation was not to produce food for group members and their families so much as to expose members to new foods and different methods of food preparation. This model works on the premise that enhanced food preparation skills will enable participants to use their food dollars more effectively and to prepare more varied, nutritious, low-cost meals at home. Communal Meal Programs - In community kitchens that function as communal meal programs, participants gather periodically to prepare and consume a single meal together. This approach is exemplified by one kitchen, which was part of a project to provide support to "high risk" mothers. The group gathered every two weeks for lunch. Pairs of participants took turns planning the menu and coordinating the meal preparation, while others assumed supportive roles, helping to prepare vegetables, set the table, wash the dishes, etc. Facilitation, childcare, and food costs were covered by the project grant. The kitchen was a particularly popular program, with 12 women usually in attendance, each with at least one child in tow. Communal dining enabled participants to work together and socialize informally. Often kitchen participation led to involvement in other support services and groups available through the project. In community kitchens such as this, participants may gain some foodrelated skills and benefit from the occasional receipt of a free or reduced-cost meal, but the kitchen is primarily a mechanism to provide social recreation and support. Funding and Resource Issues - Costs are incurred directly or indirectly for food, childcare, transportation, and staff for community kitchen facilitation or coordination. Approaches to and perspectives on financing varied dramatically among the kitchens observed. All had some form of financial support from project grants, agency funds, or local donations, although the amount and security of this funding varied. All the kitchens had a paid facilitator or coordinator, and most included some arrangement for childcare. In most kitchens the food was partially or fully subsidized, and some kitchens used donated foods (usually from the local food bank). The amount of money participants were required to contribute ranged from nothing to one dollar per portion of food, although in some cases, their ability to benefit fully from the programs also depended on the availability of transportation and home freezers.
The Social Nature of Community Kitchens - Regardless of the specific model of operation, the cooperative nature of food preparation in community kitchens means that participation is fundamentally a social experience. For participants whose opportunities to socialize with other adults are limited by childcare responsibilities and low incomes, community kitchens were valued social "outings." Elizabeth expressed this most clearly: "Out of the house, change of environment, new people, new experiences, ... [being a part of a community kitchen] was doing something that wasn't on my own. And it was companionship, and I was dying for that. I still basically am, so I come to the kitchen."
Some kitchens included both low- and middle-income participants, reflecting the coordinating groups' decisions not to restrict participation in ways that might segregate and stigmatize low-income participants. However, for women marginalized by extreme and chronic poverty and difficult life circumstances, kitchens comprising individuals with shared struggles were invaluable in breaking down social isolation. "When you're a single mum on [welfare] with no money, although you know there's other mums like that out there, because you hear about them, you're not really connected with them. I find that through the community kitchen you really get a sense [that] you're not alone. You're not alone with having no money for childcare, no money for food, no money for entertainment..... Thinking other women are struggling with the same things I am, I don't have to feel so stupid or whatever."
The highly social atmosphere in community kitchens lends itself to the sharing of ideas and information. As Jen explained, "It's kind of like in the olden days ... a quilting bee. You know how women sit around and work together and make a quilt? The same kind of thing: you work together and make a meal, just sharing titbits of information that come out of conversation." Some participants said they had learned strategies to minimize food costs (e.g., watching advertisements and purchasing foods on sale, saving manufacturers' coupons to redeem for discounts, or purchasing low-cost foods, damaged packaged goods, and aged perishable foods), but others spoke of always having been frugal. Indeed, the collective food preparation, bulk buying, and quantity food production that characterized collective kitchens appeared to be natural extensions of some participants' ongoing food management practices. For example, one woman described how she and a neighbour would get together to cook. Their activities were not as "organized" as the collective kitchen's, but the principles of pooled labour and resources were applied similarly.
While all the kitchens provided social recreation, a few were constructed to offer much-needed social and personal support to women whose lives were characterized by particularly difficult and isolating situations. The community kitchens that appeared most effective in this regard comprised participants with similar struggles. The cooking sessions were designed to include ample time for casual social interaction among participants and to foster an atmosphere of mutual support. Finally, and perhaps most importantly, these kitchens had the benefit of a facilitator or coordinator with strong counselling and referral skills. This person understood that providing personal support to participants in crisis and to those with special needs was a central part of her job. Not surprisingly, these particular kitchens also appeared to attract and sustain the participation of individuals with serious problems of food insecurity.
Kitchens as Strategies to Enhance Household Food Resources - One way in which community kitchens may alleviate income-related food insecurity is by augmenting household resources. In kitchens where the food was partially or completely subsidized, financial benefits accrued directly from participation, because the receipt of free or reduced-cost food offset some of a household's food costs. In this sense, the programs acted as a form of income transfer. In collective kitchens where participants covered most or all of the food costs, however, the assessment of cost benefits was more complicated. Participants were required to compare the meals cooked collectively with meals they would prepare on their own. Some described collective kitchen meals in terms of improved food quality and variety. A few noted the economy of scale arising from quantity food purchases. Marianne explained that "[t]he meals are better.
Some of the things that we cook or eat I might not buy or whatever in my home. And some of the things that we cook maybe I couldn't afford if I had to pay the entire price, you know, to go to a grocery store and get all the ingredients."
The savings associated with collective food preparation for any one participant depend on the displacement of food costs by the community kitchen meals. This is a highly individual matter. In one collective kitchen that operated with only a partial subsidy for the purchase of staples, two long-term participants were interviewed; Jean claimed that her family spent less on food as a result of her participation, but Greta insisted that she could prepare meals as cheaply at home. As she put it, "When it comes to making money stretch, I think I've got it down pat." A single mother of five, Greta said she came to the kitchen because it was a night out of the house with childcare provided.
The fact that the subsidization of food costs was a panicularly important determinant of kitchen participation underscores the case-specific nature of cost-benefit questions in relation to household food insecurity. Kitchens requiring participants to contribute one dollar per portion simply were not accessible to very poor families. Two of the collective kitchens had begun with full subsidies from government start-up grants, but as the funding expired, organizers began seeking participant contributions for an increasing proportion of the food costs. The introduction of fees was regarded as a natural transition to self-sufficiency, but in fact it transformed the programs. In one kitchen, participants who perceived themselves as unable to afford the new fees withdrew and were systematically replaced by higher-income participants. In describing one woman's departure, another said, "I heard her husband told her she couldn't come any more 'cause it was too expensive." Another participant explained, "Our two new [members] feel that their husbands are making a good enough wage that they can participate properly." Lack of affordability also explained members' sporadic attendance at some community kitchens. Another kitchen where the food subsidy had recently been withdrawn, claimed ten members, but only two of these attended regularly. As one of these women explained, "Pat and I are always regulars ... we always come, like every month. But everyone else, they change. Sometimes they come; it depends on their money .... Because like with Christmas coming up, a lot of people are just saving." For these women, "saving" meant not attending the kitchen.
The economic benefits of community kitchen participation - whether due to program subsidies or the economies of scale associated with bulk food purchasing - are severely limited by the scope of operations. Of the three different models of operation observed, quantity food preparation occurred only in collective kitchens. However, most collective kitchens cooked only once a month, preparing four or five meals. In some instances, the dishes prepared needed to be augmented with other foods (e.g., pasta or rice, a vegetable) at home in order to constitute a complete meal. The amount of food any one participant would take home from such a program was thus likely to provide less than 17% of her family's supper meals and less than 5% of her family's food needs for the month.
Kitchen Subsidies and Stigma Concerns that costs would pose a barrier to participation for very low-income families prompted organizers in one community to develop a sponsorship structure for collective kitchens. Most were "partnered" with community groups who donated up to $50 a month per kitchen for food. In some cases, the donor group also made cooking facilities available to the kitchen, but when this was not possible, a second "space partner" was also identified. A part-time staff person employed by the local health unit managed the solicitation and coordination of donated facilities and funds. In some kitchens, participants supplemented the subsidy with additional contributions (e.g., $1 to $2 per family member per cooking session). Three kitchens opted to reject the subsidy and finance themselves, but many worked with only the subsidy. Whereas programs elsewhere that require participants to bear the brunt of food costs appear to struggle to attract and keep low-income participants, the kitchens in this community were well attended - and sometimes even had waiting lists. With five years of successful operation and 20 collective kitchens, this "community partner" model of funding was clearly viable and sustainable.
The ongoing provision of full subsidies raises questions about the possibility that kitchen participation will be stigmatized in the same way that use of food banks and other charitable food assistance programs has been. Interestingly, kitchen participation did not appear to be a source of shame or embarrassment for members of subsidized programs. Several women interviewed had prior experience using food banks, and a few indicated that sometimes they still needed to use them. All were adamant that attending community kitchens was preferable. Not only was attending the kitchens Ca lot less humiliating than going to the food bank," but the food was better.
The participatory aspect of community kitchens is a crucial difference between these and other food programs. In the community where most kitchens were supported by community partners, the promotional literature revealed that while the kitchens were clearly targeted at people experiencing income-related food insecurity (e.g., those *struggling to put food on the table"), the subsidies were not publicized. The programs were thus not represented as charities, but instead portrayed more positively as participant-led programs and ways to collectivize cooking.
DISCUSSION
The results of this study raise some important questions about the capacity of community kitchens to enhance the food security of low-income households. The inaccessibility of unsubsidized community kitchens to families living in severe poverty suggests that such kitchens are not useful strategies to address the very serious problems of income-related food insecurity. Even when programs are completely subsidized, the limited scale of operations means that the material benefits of participation are likely to be minimal. Our study also suggests that while some individuals acquire more economical food management skills through community kitchen participation, others are already very frugal. This finding is consistent with other research documenting the considerable knowledge, skills, and resourcefulness of poor women in feeding their families (13-17), and it helps to explain the limited economic benefits of community kitchen participation reported elsewhere (14). The participatory aspects of community kitchens make them potentially important sources of social interaction and support for those isolated by poverty and other problems. Indeed, Crawford and Kalina (14) found that interaction and support were a key benefit of the kitchens. Perhaps because food and cooking are typically seen as the core of community kitchen activities, the social aspects of the programs we observed in our study often appeared to be underdeveloped. To realize this potential fully, it is imperative that kitchen facilitators possess strong group facilitation and counselling skills, and that their role goes beyond those of nutrition educator or kitchen supervisor. That Fernandez (18) has drawn similar conclusions from her study of collective kitchens further strengthens these findings.
Considerable evidence supports our conclusion that the depth of poverty among many food-insecure families poses a significant barrier to their participation in such programs as community kitchens. Poverty among Canadian families is growing (19), and income-support programs for low-income groups have been seriously eroded in many jurisdictions (20). Numerous local and regional studies have documented that social assistance benefit levels are inadequate (17,21-25). It is thus not surprising that most food bank users are social assistance recipients struggling to manage on very low incomes (2,5,26). A recent study of food bank users in Montreal reported that their expenditures on food were well below the estimated minimum expenditure required for an adequate diet (5).
Clearly, the poverty that underlies hunger in Canada is real and needs to be recognized in the design of programs purporting to build household food security. If people marginalized by poverty and difficult life circumstances are to participate in community kitchen programs, they must be subsidized. However, even if this were to happen, it would be unrealistic to expect these programs to have a major impact on income-related food insecurity. Where community kitchens can be supported through sustainable community partnerships, the programs enable the transfer of resources (i.e., small charitable donations) within communities without stigmatizing or demeaning recipients. This is perhaps the most important contribution community kitchens can make to food security.
RELEVANCE TO PRACTICE
A growing number of nutritionists and dietitians are working to design and implement programs that respond to problems of income-related food insecurity in their communities. However, there is very little research to inform practice in this area. This study, while limited in scope, has elucidated key issues to be considered in the development and evaluation of participatory, community-based food programs. Specifically, our findings draw attention to the importance of program subsidies, skilled group facilitation, and individual-level support in community kitchens for poor, marginalized groups. The study findings also highlight the limited potential for small-scale food programs to effect substantial changes in household food security among very low-income groups. This reinforces the need for advocacy to bring about policy and program changes that will address the underlying issues of poverty and unemployment.
Acknowledgment of previous publication
An earlier version of this work was published in Ricciutelli L, Larkin J, O'Neill E, eds. Confronting the cuts: a sourcebook for women in Ontario. Toronto, ON: Inanna Publications and Education Inc, 1998:187-94. It was entitled "Community Kitchens: `You Get a Bunch of People Cooking Together and You're Gabbing Away ....
This research was supported by a grant from the Dean's Fund, Faculty of Medicine, University of Toronto.
[Reference]
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Tarasuk V, Davis B. Responses to food insecurity in the changing Canadian welfare state. J Nutr Educ 1996;28(2):71-5. Jacobs Starkey L, Kuhnlein H, Gray-Donald K. Food bank users: sociodemographic and nutritional characteristics. Can Med Assoc J 1998;158:1143-9.
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an ethnographic study. Can Home Economics J 1990;40(2):76-82. 17. Travers KD. The social organization of nutritional inequities. Soc Sci Med 1996;43(4):543-53.
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Minister of Supply and Services Canada, 1997. 21. Donovan U, Clemens R, Kosky S, et al. Thames Valley Region food security survey. London, ON: Middlesex-London Health Unit, 1996. 22. Nova Scotia Nutrition Council. How do the poor afford to eat? An examination of social assistance food rates in Nova Scotia. Halifax, NS: Nova Scotia Nutrition Council, 1988.
23. Kirkham J, Laframboise P. Obstacles and opportunities for London's G.W.A. clients. Pt 1. London, ON: Department of Social Services, Policy cc Planning Division, 1993.
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25. Windsor-Essex County Food Security Steering Committee. Is there food for all ... in Windsor-Essex County? Technical report. Windsor, ON: Windsor-Essex County Food Security Steering Committee, 1997. 26. Tarasuk V, Geduld J, Hilditch S. Struggling to survive: women in families using food banks. In: Ricciutelli L, Larkin J, O'Neill E, eds. Confronting the cuts. A sourcebook for women in Ontario. Toronto, ON: Inanna Publications and Education Inc, 1998.
[Author Affiliation]
VALERIE TARASUK, PhD, Department of Nutritional Sciences, Faculty of Medicine, University of Toronto; RANDI REYNOLDS, BA, MHSc Candidate, Graduate Department of Community Health, Faculty of Medicine, University of Toronto
Australia uncovers international credit card scam
Australian authorities have uncovered a 6 million Australian dollar ($4.8 million) international credit card scam that used stolen personal information from people as far away as Britain and Spain, officials said Thursday.
Seven people were arrested Wednesday in searches carried out by a multi-agency team in Sydney and Melbourne, Australian Federal Police said in a statement.
The syndicate allegedly used the stolen personal details to manufacture more than 200 fake credit cards and driver's licenses a week and used them to make up to AU$500,000 in weekly purchases of electronic goods, gift cards, phone cards and alcohol, the statement said.
Federal police Assistant Commissioner Mandy Newton said the personal information was stolen from card holders in Australia, Spain, Britain and Malaysia.
"What we are identifying is a global issue, it is not just in Australia," Newton said.
More than 1,200 credit card numbers have been involved in the scam since March, Newton said.
The syndicate first came to the attention of police during a 2008 Department of Immigration investigation into a suspected illegal work racket, which uncovered evidence of the credit card fraud.
That investigation identified several illegal immigrants who had been arrested for shopping along the east coast using fraudulent credit cards and who are believed to have been used as shoppers by the syndicate, said Immigration Department investigator Peter Richards, without identifying their nationalities.
The seven people will be charged with offenses including dealing in the proceeds of crime, participating in a criminal group, and making and using false instruments.
U.S. Searching for Iwo Jima Marine
TOKYO - An American team searching for the remains of a Marine combat photographer who filmed the iconic flag-raising on Iwo Jima is honing in on the cave where he was believed to have been killed 62 years ago, officials said Friday.
A lead from a private citizen prompted the search for the remains of Sgt. William H. Genaust, who was killed nine days after filming the flag-raising atop Iwo Jima's Mount Suribachi. The seven-member team - the first on the Japanese island in 60 years - is also searching for other Americans killed in the battle, one of the fiercest and most symbolic of World War II.
"The team is finding caves that have been cleaned out, and some that have collapsed," said Lt. Col. Mark Brown, a spokesman for the Joint POW/MIA Accounting office, or JPAC.
The preliminary search team is looking for the remains of as many Americans as it can find, Brown told The Associated Press. He said 250 U.S. service members from the Iwo Jima campaign are among the 88,000 missing from World War II.
Iwo Jima was officially taken on March 26, 1945, after 31-day battle that pitted some 100,000 U.S. troops against 21,200 Japanese - a turning point in the war with Japan. Some 6,821 Americans were killed and nearly 22,000 injured. Only 1,033 Japanese survived.
"Our motto is `until they are home,'" Brown said. "`No man left behind' is a promise made to every individual who raises his hand."
Brown said a full team would be sent in if it looks like remains are likely to be discovered.
Genaust, a combat photographer with the 28th Marines, filmed the raising of the flag atop Mount Suribachi on Feb. 23, 1945. He stood just feet away from AP photographer Joe Rosenthal, whose photograph of the moment won a Pulitzer Prize and came to symbolize the Pacific War and the struggle of the Marines to capture the tiny island.
Johnnie Webb, a civilian official with JPAC, said Genaust died nine days later when he was hit by machine-gun fire as he was assisting fellow Marines secure a cave. He was 38.
Bob Bolus, the Scranton, Pa., businessman who provided the lead in the search, said he became intrigued by Genaust after reading a Parade magazine story about him two years ago. Spending thousands of dollars of his own money, Bolus put together a team of experts, including an archivist, forensic anthropologist, geologist and surveyor, that was able to pinpoint where Genaust's remains were likely to be found.
Bolus, 64, began lobbying the military to search anew for the missing Marine.
"How do we leave an American?" he said in a telephone interview. "How do we ignore him and leave him in a cave along with other military personnel who are MIA on the island also? He gave us a patriotic symbol that we see to this day. It's important."
Bolus, who said he visited Iwo Jima last year and met the grandson of Gen. Tadamichi Kuribayashi, the Japanese commander on Iwo Jima, said he's confident Genaust will be found.
"We've put everything in place. Now we have to have him tell us where he is."
JPAC said the search was the first on Iwo Jima "since 1948, when the American Graves Registration Service recovered most U.S. service members killed during the campaign."
Many of the missing Marines were lost at sea, meaning the chances of recovering their remains are slim. But many also were killed in caves or buried by explosions, and Brown said officials were optimistic about finding the remains of Genaust and other servicemen.
"We are looking at several caves," he said. "We are looking for a number of service members, including Genaust. We have maps dating back to World War II and even GPS locations. So far, everything seems to be where it should be."
Accounts of Genaust's death vary, but he was believed to have been killed in or near a cave on "Hill 362A."
On March 4, 1945, Marines were securing the cave, and are believed to have asked Genaust to use his movie camera light to illuminate their way. He volunteered to shine the light in the cave, and when he did he was killed by enemy fire. The cave was secured after a gunfight, and its entrance sealed.
"We decided that the only way to determine if his remains were there was to work on the ground," Webb said. "We believe his remains may be in there, along with the remains of the Japanese."
Separately, Japan on Monday returned to using the prewar name for Iwo Jima at the urging of its original inhabitants, who want to reclaim an identity they say has been hijacked by high-profile movies like Clint Eastwood's "Letters from Iwo Jima."
The new name, Iwo To, was adopted by the Japanese Geographical Survey Institute in consultation with Japan's coast guard.
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Associated Press writer Michael Rubinkam contributed to this report from Philadelphia.
In rare handover of CPU blueprints, Intel outsourcing some Atom manufacturing to TSMC
Intel Corp. is handing over the secrets of its Atom processor to an Asian manufacturer in a gambit to sell more of the tiny chips that go into smart phones, set-top boxes and other small electronics.
Intel has worked extensively with Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Co. on wireless chips and other products. But Santa Clara, California-based Intel said the announcement Monday marks the first time the company has licensed its CPU core to a foundry, which is a plant that make chips for other companies.
The partnership marries the world's biggest foundry with the world's largest semiconductor company; Intel supplies the bulk of the world's microprocessors, the brains of personal computers.
The agreement illustrates the importance of Atom to Intel when slumping personal computer sales is sapping demand for Intel's traditional processors. Research firm Gartner Inc. forecast Monday that PC sales are expected to post their sharpest sales decline in history in 2009 because of the recession, down nearly 12 percent year-over-year to 257 million machines.
Atom is designed for a new category of devices that is growing: "netbooks," or stripped-down laptops that are smaller and cheaper than regular laptops and are used mostly to surf the Internet. Atom chips also can be used in other electronics.
Intel's new agreement with Hsinchu, Taiwan-based TSMC covers "system-on-chip" technology, which is when the processor is built on the same chip with other components like memory chips.
It ratchets up Intel's competition in that area with other chip designers like Qualcomm Inc. and Broadcom Corp., which also have "system-on-chip" products, and U.K.-based ARM Holdings Plc., which licenses low-power chip designs widely used in mobile electronics.
Intel's expanded relationship with TSMC is significant because it opens up new sales channels for Atom. By making Atom compatible with TSMC's manufacturing processes, Intel will make it easier to sell to electronics manufacturers that already buy from TSMC and have a lot of their products' technologies tied up in the way TSMC makes its chips.
Intel emphasized that it will continue to manufacture Atom chips in its own cutting-edge factories as well in the United States and elsewhere, and that the agreement doesn't include transferring any of Intel's manufacturing secrets.
The only other time Intel agreed to turn over its processor blueprints to another company was 1982. That was the year Intel expanded its cross-license agreement with Advanced Micro Devices Inc. so the companies could supply chips for IBM Corp.'s personal computers. IBM had demanded that Intel find a reliable second source for the processors.
Intel shares fell 27 cents, or 2.1 percent, to $12.47.
Bidden City
SEAN KELLER ON THE BEIJING OLYMPICS
THE OLYMPIC GAMES as we know them were born out of a late-nineteenth-century marriage of classical mythology and political science fiction. They decree that every four years all the nations of the world will set aside their political struggles and come together to compete in proxy battles of sport; everyone will watch. Yet such a premise naively denies both the relentlessness of politics and the equally irrepressible need for political power to be represented, to be made into images. Having stubbornly refused to follow their script, the modern Olympics stand in collective memory as a series of political-not athletic-events: Berlin '36 (Nazis), Mexico '68 (murdered protesters and censured Black Power salutes), Munich '72 (Middle Eastern terrorism), Montreal '76 (boycott against apartheid), Moscow '80 (boycott against the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan), Los Angeles '84 (boycott against the previous boycott), and now, controversial already, Beijing '08.
As the latest addition to this lineage, Beijing '08 presents a new variety of Olympic propaganda, one that reflects the ambiguities of the post-cold war world. Like its present mixture of socialism and capitalism, the Chinese government's motivations for hosting the games are apparently contradictory. Beijing competed for the Olympics in order to stage a coming-out party as a global superpower, but it simultaneously needs to demonstrate that this power is benign (in both geopolitical and environmental terms). The games have thus become a very public test for the complex compromises that define contemporary China as it faces serious internal and external pressures.
The context for this global examination will be a massively reshaped Beijing. Since the decline of World Expositions, the Olympics have provided a unique opportunity for political representation on an international scale; and for host cities such as Beijing, they are primarily an architectural and urban-planning event-the physical environment serving as the medium for the host's message. At the level of domestic politics, the games provide an excuse for otherwise unrealizable civic acts, as the neutral forms of the fields, tracks, and pools become embedded in a field of ideologically charged urban design.
Given Beijing's desire to send a global welcome message via its orchestration of sport, spectacle, and architecture, and given its own history of occupation by Japan, one of the Axis powers in World War II, it seems scarcely believable that the name behind its new urban plan is Albert Speer-son of Albert Speer (himself the son of an Albert Speer). Immediately, one must say that the current Speer has had a long and respectable career as an architect and urban planner, and that he appears guilty of nothing more than choosing the same profession as his infamous father. Yet more than the name has provoked comparisons to Berlin circa 1936. Like the grandiose scheme envisioned by his father for Hitler's Berlin, Speer's plan for Beijing is organized around a monumental north-south axis anchored by a large new train station. The correlation is certainly tempting. But again, one must resist and acknowledge that, historically, the monumental axis is so widespread as an urban device, and has been hitched to such a range of political wagons, that it would be a mistake to assign any inherent political "meaning" to the grand axis in abstracto.
Speer himself rejects the comparison to Berlin and emphasizes the deep Chinese roots of his plan. Drawing on centuries of tradition, it reasserts and extends the axis of the Forbidden City, which, after the end of imperial rule in 1911, was progressively weakened in favor of the east-west axis of Chang'an Avenue-itself a highly symbolic new "axis of the people" elaborated by both Republican and Communist governments. But even within this specific context, an assessment of the master plan remains elusive. What value to give to the decision by the current leaders of the Communist Party to reject their own urban planning legacy and return to the imperial axis? Is it, as Speer has claimed, a progressive renewal of the traditions of the Chinese people? Or is it a repackaging of the party's power in the guise of the historical authority it once claimed to reject?
Perhaps more telling than the return to the imperial axis is the manner of its extension, and here the historical comparisons are useful. If axiality has traditionally been used as an unambiguous sign of centralized power, in contemporary Beijing the symbolic effect has been deliberately tempered. The Beijing planners are using the axis as a fundamental principle, and at a vast scale, but-through displacements, asymmetries, and curvilinear landscape elements-they have modulated its northern extension as it passes through the Olympic Green and dissolves into a large park (the Green is the work of US-based Sasaki Associates). The urban effect is "soft power" on a grand scale. The dilemma this raises-and it is a fundamental problem in thinking about China today-is whether it is better to deal with an autocratic political system that clearly represents itself as autocratic, or with an autocratic political system that partially dissimulates itself with gestures toward openness.
Practically, the rebuilding of the city has been achieved through the application of unambiguously "hard" power. The Chinese government has admitted to displacing fifteen thousand residents; human rights groups estimate the actual number may be as high as 1.5 million. Much of the city's traditional urban fabric, based on the narrow alleys called hutongs, has been demolished to make way for the modern hotels, apartment buildings, offices, and parks that the government wants as a backdrop for the games; and in the frenzied sweep of construction equipment many historical sites have been unearthed and built over faster than they can be recorded.
At the scale of individual buildings, the Chinese Olympic committee has chosen to sponsor the most advanced forms of international architecture. Flanking the central axis near the park are the architectural icons of the Beijing games: the National Stadium, designed by Swiss stars Herzog & de Meuron, and the National Aquatics Center, by a partnership of Australia-based PlW Architects and the Chinese group CSCEC (China State Construction Engineering Corporation). Both buildings have involved substantial collaboration with Arup, the engineering powerhouse behind so many famous new buildings. Better known by their popularizing nicknames the "Bird's Nest" and the "Watercube," the two projects-a bowl of steel bands and a box of blue bubbles-are examples of the particularly effective soft-power tactic of naturalization: the ascription of natural qualities to man-made entities. By describing architecture in terms of nature, naturalization can make design choices seem both inevitable and neutral. In Olympic history, the precedent for this approach is again German. Given the terrible legacy of Berlin '36, Munich '72 faced the difficult problem of creating a nonthreatening national monumentality. It solved this representational conundrum with a "landscape" of enormous tentlike roofs developed by Frei Otto and based on the forms taken by soap films in tensionforms that seemed to represent nothing more than the laws of nature.
Soap bubbles are back for Beijing '08 at the National Aquatics Center-and with a similar rationale. This complex building is essentially a large hollow box carved out of a foam of giant "bubbles," each roughly ten feet in diameter. More precisely, the bubbles are twelve- and fourteen-sided polyhedrons packed together in a regular three-dimensional array. Their arrangement is based on a recently discovered solution to the problem of efficiently dividing space into cells of equal volume (like bubbles in an ideal foam). In the Aquatics Center, this geometry is embodied in twenty-two thousand steel members that mark the edges of the polyhedrons. On the exterior and interior faces of the building the edges are spanned by thin sheets of plastic, creating a deep, sealed envelope of space around the perimeter. This perimeter is slightly pressurized, causing the sheets to bulge like hundreds of taut balloons and turning the building into an energyefficient greenhouse. According to the designers, the building is both environmentally responsible and conceptually tied to natural forms such as crystals, cells, and, of course, water bubbles.
Engineers and architects have long taken cues from nature, but one aspect marks the Aquatics Center as a particularly contemporary design, suited to the contradictory demands of Beijing '08. Although the ideal "bubble" array itself is entirely regular and repetitious, the volume that the Watercube cuts through this array has been arbitrarily rotated on all three axes. The result is that the array appears to be irregular as it reaches the exterior and interior faces of the Aquatics Center. This choice can only have been driven by representational desires, since it greatly complicates the construction process. Even from the point of view of representation, it would have been an unthinkable decision until just the past decade or two. Rather than celebrating the well-ordered solution to the efficiency problem on which the building is based, the architects have willfully skewed and sliced it in order to suggest a pseudonaturalistic disorder. The widely publicized blue face of the Watercube is, then, a disarming mask for the thoroughly optimized and repetitious array that lies behind.
Herzog & de Meuron's "Bird's Nest" National Stadium is technically less advanced than the Aquatics Center-but architecturally more ambitious. Collaborating with Chinese art star Ai Weiwei and the Chinese Architectural Design & Research Group, the Pritzker Prize-winning firm conceived a monolithic concrete bowl that seats ninety-one thousand, resting within and partially beneath a saddle-shaped lid formed by an irregular weave of steel bands. To explain the project, Herzog & de Meuron have offered two principal metaphors. First, the firm relates the overall form of the stadium to that of a Shang dynasty vessel, suggesting that, although entirely contemporary, the stadium also draws on the ancient traditions of Chinese art. This metaphor expresses the desire for an "archaic" form that would overcome the hodgepodge of ticket gates, snack shops, and Jumbotrons that make up a typical contemporary stadium. The second metaphor comes from the structural concept of the project: Like twigs in a bird's nest, each element would support and be supported by the others, producing a nonhierarchical structure. The steel bands would also be fully exposed, thereby acting as both the building's facade and its ornament. The result is just the sort of twist on high-modernist principles that has become characteristic of Herzog & de Meuron's work. Here the distinction between structure and ornament is collapsed � la Mies, but instead of the master's calm Neoclassical order, we are given a taut sense of barely contained chaos. The underlying desire was to work against the great size of the stadium, to de-monumentalize it through the erratic web of bands. In the New York Times Magazine in 2006, Pierre de Meuron spoke of trying to ensure that "this huge structure is not oppressive." Again, the tendency is to soften the power of what is ostensibly a monumental project. (Herzog & de Meuron achieved this softening effect quite literally in the firm's much-celebrated Allianz Arena in Munich, where the unitary drum of the building is given a quilted skin of air-filled pillows-technology that Arup has transferred to the Watercube.)
Given the enviable sophistication of the firm's practice, it is not surprising that, despite the use of these nearly contradictory metaphors, the architects have largely got what they wanted. The Bird's Nest is both unitary and scaleless, primitive and novel: a massive urban device that denies its own weight. In the wake of this undeniable achievement, the pressing question that remains is whether these motivations are appropriate for Beijing '08. The point becomes especially acute when one considers the conditions in which the metaphorical nest was constructed. Jacques Herzog remarked enthusiastically in 2006 that "such a structure you couldn't do anywhere else." Why not? Because, as the architects estimated, "construction costs in Beijing are one-tenth the amount in the West." For despite its lightweight metaphor, the one archaic aspect of the Bird's Nest was its dependence on a sheer mass of poorly compensated manual labor. As many as seven thousand workers, mainly migrants from the countryside, worked for about $4 per day to raise and weld the forty-two thousand tons of steel on time. While it would be unfair to blame Herzog & de Meuron for the hardship of the Chinese builders, they have taken advantage of the conditions that produce this suffering-as have all of us who benefit from the inexpensive labor and lax regulations of the world's fastest-growing major economy. The stadium, then, does not represent the value-free world of nature (as its nickname suggests), nor even the timeless values of traditional Chinese art. Instead, it represents the use of authoritarian politics and raw capitalism to produce a desirable product. Which is to say that it is a monument to the relationship that we in the West have to China today.
If Herzog & de Meuron imagine the stadium as an ancient Chinese vessel, the firm also surely knows that Ai Weiwei has made a name for himself by smashing such antiquities. Having played an instrumental part in the design of the stadium that will host the opening ceremonies, the artist has since disavowed the games entirely: "I hate the kind of feeling stirred up by promotion or propaganda. . . . It's the kind of sentiment when you don't stick to the facts, but try to make up something, to mislead people away from a true discussion," he remarked last year in The Guardian. Yet Ai says he does not regret his involvement in the project, suggesting that its value lies in some future contribution to Beijing, not in its present use by the state. While seemingly erratic, his shifting position is in fact an honest reflection of the aporia presented by the choice of engagement or boycott that defines the politics of Beijing '08.
Finally, the Olympic buildings may provide one other cautionary lesson. Encouraged by these and other recent projects-especially Rem Koolhaas and Ole Scheeren's nearby CCTV Television Station and Headquarters-Western architects and critics have been celebrating the opening of China to their most advanced designs. One may even be tempted to see this as a sign of a more general political tolerance. However, a less encouraging interpretation is also possible: Perhaps architecture is given latitude only because of its capacity to remain representationally vague (in contrast with journalism, for example, which remains tightly controlled). The Bird's Nest and the Watercube, as well as Beij ing's overall reconstruction, suggest a China that is more open and less authoritarian than it is. This slippage between architectural representation and political reality can be seen either as a mask or as a projection-as a cover for the abuse of power, or as an image of China's emerging better self. Thus, for those concerned with reform in China, the real challenge posed by Beijing '08 is not to artificially separate the Olympics and its architecture from politics, but to force the Olympics to become a political projection; and then to get the reality to match the representation.
[Sidebar]
The "Bird's Nest" and the "Watercube"-a bowl of steel bands and a box of blue bubbles-are examples of the particularly effective soft-power tactic of naturalization: the ascription of natural qualities to man-made entities.
[Author Affiliation]
SEAN KELLER IS AN ASSISTANT PROFESSOR OF ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY AND THEORY AT THE COLLEGE OF ARCHITECTURE, ILLINOIS INSTITUTE OFTECHNOLOGY, CHICAGO.
[Without spot or wrinkle: reflecting on the nature of the church]
Sola Scriptura, by Scripture alone, was the slogan of the Reformation which inspired our Anabaptist/Mennonite forebears to a never-ending process of cleansing the church from human inventions, idolatry and superstition. They were aiming at the restoration of the apostolic church.
Persecution enhanced their assurance of being the true, suffering church, reflecting God's holiness and Christ's sinlessness. They found a confirmation of their conviction in Ephesians 5:25-27: "Husbands, love your wives, as Christ loved the church...having cleansed her by the washing of water with the word, that he might present the church to himself in splendour, without spot or wrinkle...holy and without blemish."
Implementing this high ideal has caused a great deal of dissension in our history. Like the world cannot easily be ruled by the Sermon on the Mount, the church is sometimes even less governed by the Rule of Christ. Ongoing biblical and theological reflection on the nature of the church should therefore be at the top of the Mennonite agenda, not only as an honest evaluation of Mennonite existence, but as a contribution to the ecumenical discourse on ecclesiology.
The concept of a pure and disciplined church has become questionable for several religious and sociological reasons. The pursuit of a a greater unity in Mennonite ranks gives rise to fresh--not exclusively Mennonite--questions on the authority and interpretation of the Scriptures, and on church-polity and discipline.
These questions were treated on a conference for scholars and church leaders at Associated Mennonite Biblical Seminary in February 2000. Eight papers presented on that occasion have been collected in the Occasional Papers series. Two quotations from this important publication provide insight on the basic questions pertaining to biblical authority and ecclesiology.
Ben C. Ollenburger writes: "The work of the Holy Spirit--God's work--does not restrict itself to any prevailing consensus, ecclestical decision, or scholarly opinion on Scripture's meaning. If this were not so, there never would have been a Christian on earth, much less a Mennonite."
John Driver writes: "We can try to agree on our boundaries...by an underlying concern for conserving the purity of the church. On the other hand, we can seek to envision a new Mennonite church in dynamic and missional terms." I recommend the book highly.
150 Best Jobs for Your Skills
150 Best Jobs for Your Skills, by Michael Farr and Laurence Shatkin 2008. Indianapolis, IN: JIST Works 466 pages, $16.95, Softcover
Intended Audience(s): A, B, E, F, H, I, K
Major Headings from the Table of Contents:
Introduction; Part I: Overview of Skills and Careers; Part II: What Are Your Top Skills? Take an Assessment; Part III: The Best Job Lists: Jobs for Each of the 10 Skills; Part IV: Descriptions of the Best Jobs for Your Skills; Appendix A: Resources for Further Exploration; Appendix B: The GOE Interest Areas and Work Groups; Index
How Is the Book Most Useful for Its Intended Audience?
This is an excellent resource for individuals and career practitioners seeking a one-stop collection of jobs that are a sound fit for job-related skills. The book is also a great collection of concise, interesting, and useful information on more than 250 careers. Additionally, it is a valuable compilation of various labor statistics.
The Top Five Things You Learned from Reading this Book:
Detailed information on hundreds of jobs
Useful information about employment outlooks and projections
Specific careers for self-employed candidates
The educational requirements for each job
Personality type for each job
With the recognition that all employers seek candidates with appropriate skills, the authors have researched information from the U.S. Department of Labor on the skill requirements of 265 jobs to help readers identify the jobs that best match their transferable skills. Then, details of the jobs are presented so that the job seekers can evaluate not only the best fit, but, also, the most desirable jobs.
The science behind the collection of labor information is interestingly presented in the Introduction, but it is not necessary in order to use this resource. That information was compiled from the O-NET, the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, and the Classification of Instructional Programs from the U.S. Department of Education. The data was analyzed, sorted, eliminated (when appropriate), and matched to, in actuality, 265 jobs. The data, including specifics about earnings, projected growth, and number of openings, is culled from the most reliable and up-to-date information available. However, the authors readily admit that these figures are quite fluid and changeable.
Part I, the Overview of Skills and Careers, defines the meaning of skills, how people develop them, and how they relate to career choice. Part II is a self-assessment exercise that concentrates on 10 major skills. The 45minute assessment is designed to help the reader find his/her best skills.
Part III contains 120 pages with 99 lists: Best Jobs for Each Skill: Jobs with the Highest Pay, Fastest Growth, and Most Openings; Best Job Lists by Work Arrangement; Best Job Lists Based on Levels of Education, Training, and Experience; Best Job Lists Based on Interests; and Bonus Lists About Skills.
Part IV is more than 250 pages of an alphabetical listing of each of the jobs with detailed job descriptions, educational requirements, earnings, growth percent, annual job openings, percent self-employed and parttime, skills required, GOE interest areas, personality type, education, and related knowledge.
My two favorite sections (as well as the most used by clients who sampled the book) are the actual job descriptions and the job lists. Each of the job lists contains 50 jobs that require the highest level of each skill. If your top skill is communication, you can look at the jobs with the best fit, ranked from high to low.
The skills areas include communication skills, computer programming skills, equipment use/maintenance skills, equipment/technology analysis skills, management skills, mathematics skills, quality control skills, science skills, social skills, and thought-processing skills. There are also bonus lists of industries that match the skills areas.
Candidates can look up the best-paying jobs for each skill area, fastestgrowing jobs, jobs with the most openings, jobs with a high percentage of part-time workers, and jobs with a high percentage of self-employed workers. The lists include jobs requiring short-, moderate-, or long-term on-the-job training, related work experience, vocational training, and all educational levels. Finally, there are the best jobs sorted by 16 interest areas, including agriculture, construction, arts, business, education, finance, insurance, government, health, hospitality, information technology, law, sales, manufacturing, science, transportation, and human service.
This book is a valuable resource for job seekers, career changers, and entry-level candidates at all work and educational levels. Readers can find out about careers involving manual labor or extremely sophisticated technology. If readers want to be self-employed, use equipment, or pursue an advanced degree, they will find job lists that suit their needs.
I would recommend this book for the job seeker who wants to conduct an independent exploration of career options, as well as career professionals who want a valuable addition to their career library for their own and their clients' use.
One precaution: this is not an appropriate resource for the individual who is completely lost and has no clue as to what career to pursue. That person may better benefit from a more extensive career exploration course that includes the assistance of a career coach or counselor. However, if your need is for relevant and useful information, this is a wonderful guide that contains interesting and helpful information tied to job skills.
Reviewed by Freddie Cheek
[Author Affiliation]
Freddie Cheek, Cheek & Associates, LLC, 406 Maynard Drive, Amherst, NY 14226, 716-835-6945, fscheek@cheekandassociates.com
Vick Surrenders Before Formal Sentencing
Michael Vick got a head start on a possible long prison stretch Monday, surrendering three weeks before he was to be sentenced for his involvement in a bloody dogfighting ring.
The disgraced Atlanta Falcons quarterback surrendered to U.S. marshals in what his lawyer said was another step in his public repentance.
"From the beginning, Mr. Vick has accepted responsibility for his actions, and his self-surrender further demonstrates that acceptance," attorney Billy Martin said in a statement. "Michael wants to again apologize to everyone who has been hurt in this matter, and he thanks all of the people who have offered him and his family prayers and support during this time."
Vick pleaded guilty in August to a federal dogfighting conspiracy charge after his three co-defendants pleaded guilty and agreed to cooperate with authorities.
He's scheduled to be sentenced Dec. 10 on a federal dogfighting conspiracy charge but worked out a deal "to voluntarily enter custody prior to his sentencing hearing," according to a court document.
The federal sentencing guideline range is projected at a year to 18 months, but Vick, who has admitted bankrolling the Bad Newz Kennels, could be sentenced to up to five years in prison.
In an e-mail sent to the AP, the U.S. attorney's office confirmed Vick's surrender but declined further comment.
Whether the unexpected move will lighten Vick's sentence is unclear, said Ronald Bacigal, a University of Richmond law professor who specializes in criminal law and criminal procedure.
"It's kind of like reading tea leaves knowing what's the exact impact on the judge," Bacigal said. "I don't think there's any benefits except getting (the sentence) started. I would think he's purely thinking about timing as far as when he can get back to his football."
Vick has a lot to overcome.
His troubles began in April when authorities conducting a drug investigation of a Vick cousin seized dozens of dogs, most of them pit bulls, from a Surry County property, along with equipment linked to dogfighting.
It's there that the dogfighting enterprise known as Bad Newz Kennels operated since 2001 on 15 acres of land Vick owned.
Suspended indefinitely by the NFL without pay, Vick solemnly apologized for his actions before cameras in late August _ only to gain more negative attention when he tested positive in September for marijuana, a violation of U.S. District Court Judge Henry Hudson's order that Vick stay clean in exchange for being allowed to be free.
Financial troubles have further sullied Vick's image: He's being sued for more than $4 million by banks claiming he defaulted on loans and might have to repay nearly $20 million in NFL signing bonus money.
The gruesome details outlined in the federal indictment _ dogs were hanged, drowned and electrocuted _ fueled a public backlash against the Falcons star and cost him several lucrative endorsement deals, even before he agreed to plead guilty.
In his written plea, Vick admitted helping kill six to eight pit bulls and supplying money for gambling on the fights. He said he did not personally place any bets or share in any winnings, but merely associating with gambling can result in a lifetime ban under the NFL's personal conduct policy.
Vick and his co-defendants also face state felony charges. Vick has been charged with two state felony counts _ beating or killing or causing dogs to fight other dogs and engaging in or promoting dogfighting. Each felony is punishable by up to five years in prison.
Vick is being held at Northern Neck Regional Jail in Warsaw until his sentencing, U.S. marshals told The Associated Press. The mixed-gender facility houses about 450 inmates.
___
Associated Press Writer Zinie Chen Sampson contributed to this report.
понедельник, 12 марта 2012 г.
Novellus jump as analyst sees likely design win
Shares of Novellus Systems Inc. advanced Tuesday after an RBC Capital Markets analyst upgraded the chip manufacturing equipment maker, saying it likely won a "significant" design contract at a large memory chip customer.
Analyst Mahesh Sanganeria raised his rating on Novellus to "Top Pick," a notch above the already bullish previous rating of "Outperform."
Sanganeria did not identify the company Novellus likely secured a contract with. But he said "this design win sets up the company for market share improvement from near 5 percent to the vicinity of 30 percent" in the roughly $1 billion PVD or "physical vapor deposition" market.
Physical vapor deposition is a process used during semiconductor production. According to Capital IQ, customers of Novellus include Intel Corp. and Samsung Electronics Co.
The analyst raised his first-quarter profit estimate to 41 cents per share from 39 cents per share, and his second-quarter forecast to 44 cents per share from 30 cents per share.
Analysts polled by Thomson Reuters expect a first-quarter profit of 33 cents per share and a second-quarter profit of 35 cents per share.
Shares of San Jose, Calif.-based Novellus rose $1.06, or 4.9 percent, to $22.50 in midday trading. In the past 52 weeks, the stock has traded between $11.43 and $26.
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